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I am a Zionist
By:
Gil Troy
Today, more than half a century after Israel's founding, it remains all too tempting for friend and foe alike to define Israel, and Zionism, solely by the Arab world's hostility.
To do so is to miss the normal miracles that occur in Israel daily, the
millions who are able to live and learn, laugh and play, in the Middle East's
only democracy. To do so is to underestimate the power of Zionism, a gutsy and
visionary movement which has outlasted the twentieth century's grander and
seemingly more permanent revolutions: Bolshevism, Nazism, fascism and communism.
The sad truth is that little more than a century after its founding, Zionism
seems to be losing its luster. Arabs have demonized Zionism as the modern
bogeyman, and many have clumped Zionists, along with Americans and most
Westerners, as the Great Satans. The Palestinian attacks that began with renewed
intensity in September 2000 have revived the United Nations libel equating
Zionism with racism. In Israel, a small but influential group of intellectuals
fancies themselves to be post-Zionists, while a negligible but voluble minority
of Jews in the Diaspora please editorial page editors enamored of novelties by
proudly proclaiming themselves Jewish anti-Zionists.
During these challenging times, Jews should reaffirm their faith and pride in
Zionism, while the world should marvel at its achievements. Zionists must not
allow their enemies to define and slander the movement. No nationalism is pure,
no movement is perfect, no state ideal, but today Zionism remains legitimate,
inspiring, and relevant, to me and to most Jews. A century ago, Zionism revived
pride in the label "Jew"; today, Jews must revive pride in the label
"Zionist."
I am a Zionist because I am a Jew -and without recognizing a national
component in Judaism I cannot explain its unique character. Judaism is a world
religion bound to one homeland, a people whose Holy Days are defined by the
Israeli agricultural calendar, rooted in theological concepts, and linked with
historic events.
I am a Zionist because I know my history -and after being exiled from their
homeland more than 1900 years ago, the defenseless, wandering Jews endured
repeated persecutions at the hands of both Christians and Muslims -centuries
before this anti-Semitism culminated in the Holocaust. I am a Zionist because
Jews never forgot their ties to their homeland, their love for Jerusalem. Even
when they established autonomous self-governing structures in Babylonia, in
Europe, in North Africa, these were governments in exile yearning to return
home.
I am a Zionist because those ideological ties nourished and were nurtured by
the plucky minority of Jews who remained in the land of Israel, sustaining
continued Jewish settlement throughout the exile.
I am a Zionist because in modem times the promise of Emancipation and
Enlightenment was a double-edged sword, often offering acceptance for Jews in
Europe only after they assimilated, yet never fully respecting them if they did
assimilate. I am a Zionist because in establishing the sovereign state of Israel
in 1948, the Jews were reconstituting in modem Western terms a relationship with
a land they had been attached to for 4,000 years, since the time of Abraham
-just as India did in establishing a modem state out of an ancient civilization.
I am a Zionist because in building that state, the Jews were returning to
history and embracing normalcy, a condition which gave them power, with all its
benefits, responsibilities, and dilemmas.
I am a Zionist because I celebrate the existence of Israel, and like any
thoughtful patriot, though I might criticize particular governmental policies
which I dislike, I do not delegitimize the state itself.
I am a Zionist because I live in the real world of nation-states, and I see
that Zionism is no more or less "racist" than any other nationalism,
be it American, Armenian, Canadian, or Czech, all of which rely on some internal
cohesion, some tribalism, some sense of solidarity among some historic grouping
of individuals, and not others.
I am a Zionist because here in North America we have learned in this
multicultural world that pride in one's heritage as a Jew, an Italian, a Greek,
can provide essential and time-tested anchors in a world overdosing on
materialism, consumerism, and the sensationalism of the here and now.
I am a Zionist because in our world of post-modem identities, I know that we
don't have to be "either-ors", we can be "ands and buts" -a
Zionist AND an American patriot; a secular and somewhat assimilated Jew BUT also
a Zionist.
I am a Zionist because I am a democrat, and for the last two centuries, the
history of democracy has been intertwined with the history of nationalism.
Similarly, for the last century democracy has been a central Zionist ideal,
despite being tested under the most severe conditions.
I am a Zionist because I am an idealist, and just as a century ago, the
notion of a strong, independent, viable, sovereign Jewish state was an
impossible dream -yet absolutely worth fighting for -so, too, today, the notion
of a strong, independent, viable, sovereign Jewish state living in true peace
and harmony with its neighbors appears to be an impossible dream -yet absolutely
worth striving for.
I am a Zionist because I am a romantic, and the vision of the Jews rebuilding
their homeland, reclaiming the desert, renewing themselves, was one of the
greatest stories of the twentieth century, just as the vision of the Jews
maintaining their homeland, reconciling with the Arab world, renewing
themselves, and serving as a light to others, a model nation state, could be one
of the greatest stories of the twenty-first century. Yes, it sounds farfetched
today. But, as Theodor Herzl, the father of modem Zionism, said in an idle boast
that has become a cliche: "If you will it, it is no dream."
I am an Anti-Anti Zionist
In honor of Israel's fifty-third anniversary, on Yom Ha 'atzmaut 2001, I
wrote the above essay for the Montreal Gazette titled "Why I Am a
Zionist." The article sought to return to basics during this difficult
passage in Israel's existence. To our non-Jewish friends, I tried to explain
why Zionism, which is Jewish nationalism is no more , racist than any other
form of nationalism. And to my fellow Jews, I tried to emphasize the big
picture beyond the messy and depressing complexities of 200 1.
In this essay, I was very careful to avoid addressing the Palestinian
question at all, beyond ending with a hope that just as in the twentieth
century Israel made the Jewish dream of restoring a homeland a reality, in the
twenty-first century Israel would figure out how to reconcile with the Arab
world and make the dream of living in peace with her neighbors a reality.
Nevertheless, some respondents caricatured my essay in subsequent opinion
essays and in letters to the editor as an attack on Palestinians and as a
racist piece. These reactions made it very clear. Far too many of Israel's
enemies see any affirmation of any kind of Zionism as an act of aggression
against them.
Even more disturbing were some of the responses the Gazette chose not to
publish. One pro-Palestinian organization defines itself as
"AntiZionist, Anti-Capitalist, Anti-racism, Anti-US global hegemony,
Antiglobalization! ' and "Pro-Hamas, Pro- Taliban, Pro-all Islamic
resistance movements fighting occupation and oppression. AND MOST OF ALL
PRO-ISLAM." The organization's Web site posted a letter sent to the
Gazette saying "'Why I'm a Zionist' reminds me of other possible
scenarios. Why I'm a KKK member. To be proud repressing others, feeling
superior and a chosen people who deserve to kill, maim and torture ….God
help us when we can allow people to stand up and say 'Why I'm [a] Terrorist,'
'Why I kill children,' 'Why I'm a Nazi,' 'Why I agree with State sponsored
Terrorism,' 'Why I bulldoze families' home[s].'"
Perhaps most depressing was the letter that began with the by now knee-jerk
(if conceptually paradoxical) free association of Zionism "with
Bolshevism, Nazism and racism of the worst order." The man equated
"the language the Nazis used to describe the Jews in Germany in the 1930s
and 40s and the language now being used by the AshkeNAZI Jews to describe the
natives of Palestine: snakes, sub-human, foreigners living on the land God
gave us, etc."
As so many anti-Zionists do, the man then naturally segued into the ugliest
forms of anti-Semitism, saying, "I understand why Herr Hitler rose to
power and why the Jewish holocaust -a harsh reaction to the Jewish misdeeds
-took place." Calling the "last Jewish holocaust" an "act
of 'divine justice,'" he concluded, "You have, without realising
[sic] it, given in your article fourteen reasons why the next holocaust is
bound to occur.. ..Your article tends to support the view that I have heard
about as a child that a Jew is born without a soul; he has no sympathy for
anyone unless his own interest is involved in it."
These days, you do not need a Ph.D. to recognize that the Middle East is a
very confusing place. And I would never do what my critics have done and tar
all critics with the same brush. There is a lot of room for honest and
critical debate about Israeli policy toward the Palestinians yesterday and
today, and not everyone who questions any Israeli action in any realm is
necessarily an Israel-hater or an anti-Zionist.
Nevertheless, I wish to thank my critics for imposing a certain conceptual
clarity on the conflict. All Jews, all Americans, all Canadians, all people of
good conscience throughout the world, should rise up and strike down this
anti-Zionist venom that has seeped into daily political discourse. As the
above examples indicate, such new-fangled anti-Zionism is often hard to
distinguish from old-fashioned Jew hatred -no matter how many contrarian op-ed
essays the few but loud anti-Zionist Jews may publish. We have seen
anti-Semitism blur with anti-Zionism in the Syrian president's ugly
anti-Jewish remarks when greeting the Pope; we have seen anti-Zionism blur
into anti-Semitism with the surge in attacks on Jews throughout the world
since the troubles began in Israel in September, 2000; we have seen
anti-Zionism blur into anti-Semitism with the booklet of caricatures showing
Jews with hook noses and fangs dripping blood some delegates distributed at an
anti-racism conference in Durban, South Africa.
Decades ago, the great American civil rights leader Martin Luther King,
Jr., said: "When people criticize Zionism, they mean Jews and what is
anti-Zionist? It is the denial to the Jewish people of a fundamental right
that we justly claim for the people of Africa and freely accord all other
nations of the globe."
Anti-Zionism: Ugly Rhetoric with Lethal Consequences
For too long too many of us ignored the vitriol. We forgot that peace has
to be made between peoples, not leaders, and that making nice to one another
is an essential precondition for making peace. While Israelis were arguing
about how to acknowledge Palestinian nationalism in their curricula,
Palestinian curricula were fomenting anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism.
Palestinian maps did not even acknowledge Israel's existence. There was also,
we must admit, some liberal racism, some Western condescension, at work. Too
many observers explained away Yasir Arafat's calls in Arabic for jihad (Holy
War) against the Jews, as being necessary for domestic consumption, as simply
the way "they" speak to each other over there.
Today, the intensity of the hatred, the ubiquity of the calls, has deadly
Consequences -and can no longer be ignored. What are we to make, for example,
of this snippet from a sermon broadcast on official Palestinian Authority
television in the summer of 200 1, which cried: "All weapons must be
aimed at the Jews, at the enemies of Allah, the cursed nation ill the Koran
whom the Koran describes as monkeys and pigs, worshippers of the calf and idol
worshippers. Allah shall make the Moslem rule over the Jew, we will blow them
up in Hadera, we will blow them up in TelAviv and in Netanya in the
righteousness of Allah against this riff -raff. ...We will enter Jerusalem as
conquerors, and Jaffa as conquerors, and Haifa as conquerors and Ashkelon as
conquerors. We bless all those who educate their children to Jihad and to
Martyrdom, blessings to he who shot a bullet into the head of a Jew. ..."
What are we to make of the final interview Faisal Husseini reportedly gave
before he died of a heart attack that spring? Husseini, whom the Western world
eulogized as a moderate, as a Palestinian dove, characterized Oslo as a Trojan
Horse. "The Intifada itself is the coming down out of the [wooden]
horse," he said. "The Oslo agreement, or any other agreement, is
just a temporary procedure, or just a step toward something bigger... [which]
is the liberation of all historical Palestine from the river to the sea."
What are we to make of the fact that mainstream Palestinian press organs and
leaders of the Palestinian authority have accused Israel of spreading AIDS to
Arab children, of disseminating Mad Cow disease in the West Bank, of ,
'distributing food containing material that causes cancer and hormones that
harm male virility and other spoiled food products in the Palestinian
Authority's territories in order to poison and harm the Palestinian
population"?
It is tragic and ironic that this resurgence of anti-Zionism comes almost a
decade after the Oslo peace treaties, when, polls show, a majority of Israelis
and a majority of Jews throughout the world began to acknowledge Palestinian
nationalism. It is tragic and pathetic that these blood libels, new and old,
come after Ehud Barak offered a sweeping set of concessions at Camp David in
July of 2000. It is tragic and diabolic that these attacks on the right of
Israel to exist are echoing throughout the world and affirming the choice many
Palestinians made to resort to violence instead of peaceful negotiations.
We in the Jewish community need to focus on these fundamental issues, on
the right of Israel to exist, and on the violent repudiation by so many
Palestinians of Israelis' attempts at peace, even as we struggle with the
political, strategic, moral, and existential challenges of today. We must not
get so bogged down in apologias and defensiveness that we ignore the bigger
picture. A quarter of a century ago, America's ambassador to the United
Nations, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, rejected the infamous UN "Zionism is
racism" resolution as "an obscene act." Moynihan later
explained that he recognized more than "uninformed bigotry" at play,
"it is conscious politics. It is not merely that our adversaries have
commenced an effort to destroy the legitimacy of a kindred democracy through
the incessant repetition of the Zionist-racist lie. It is that others can come
to believe it also."
The poisonous seeds Moynihan saw sown in the mid-l970s are bearing deadly
fruit today. We cannot sit by idly and let these libels fester. We must as
Jews and as proud citizens of great democracies like the United States and
Canada stand up and fight. Just as the women's movement marched to "take
back the night" from assailants, we Jews need to "take back"
Zionism from its critics. Not only must we not let them define us, we also
cannot let our reaction to them define us. Too much modern Judaism is defined
by our enemies -of yesterday and today. In taking back Zionism, we need to
articulate a positive vision that speaks to us and inspires us.
Alas, the sad truth is that this renewed assault on Israel and on Zionism
comes at an awkward time in Jewish history. As the next chapter will argue,
despite all the speeches and rallies and essays generated after September
2000, despite all the "we are one" solidarity missions and
statements, many North American Jews today remain ambivalent about Zionism and
the State of Israel itself. Many say that the term "Zionism" makes
them "uncomfortable," while others buy into the conventional wisdom
that sets the Israelis as the colonialist "Goliaths" oppressing the
Palestinian "Davids," or simply dismisses both sides as equally
violent and barbaric. And even those who call themselves Zionist who defend
the State of Israel, often find themselves unable to articulate why -or to
navigate around the complexities of Middle East politics.
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